awareness of the Filipinos in Louisiana dates from the late
nineteenth century when descriptions of a Philippine style
fishing village on the state's southern coast were published in
the popular press (Hearn 1883; St. Malo 1883). A more romantic
introduction could hardly have been arranged. The immediate
questions were, naturally, how did this group of immigrants come
to settle here and what were their lives like. Subsequently, we
have come to ask how did Louisiana's physical environment change
their lives and how has broadened social contact changed them
According to oral tradition the Filipinos came to Louisiana
during the Manila Galleon trade. Although there is no
documentary substantiation for this belief, it is certainly
plausible. The Louisiana Filipinos, like those in their
homeland, were Hispanic Malayans. That is to say, they had
cultural elements of both Spain and the Pacific islands.
Further, the Spanish Empire made the voyage to Mexico and
contact with trading ships in the Gulf of Mexico physically
possible. Quite importantly, the social conditions in the
Philippines would have made emigration acceptable to some
Spain colonized the Philippines in 1564 when Miguel Lopez de
Legaspi established the first permanent European settlement on
the islands. Early cattle ranching land grants to individuals
were soon sold to the religious orders who established a
hacienda land use pattern similar to that throughout the Spanish
Empire. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the
haciendas usurped considerable land from the native populations
and diversified the land grant economic base to include rice,
sugar, and fruit (Roth 1982:136). Labor for these clerical land
holdings was provided by Filipinos residing on the haciendas.
Labor required for the operation of the government fell to the
independent peasants. This could include cutting and
transporting lumber, rough work at the ship yards, or road and
building' maintenance. Skilled construction generally fell to
the Chinese (Roth 1982:138; Schurz 1959:197). The peasant
farmers near Manila were often forced to work a month each year.
Due to numerous exemptions given to the hacienda laborers, the
burden of corvée labor increasingly fell to non-hacienda
villages (Roth 1 2:138, 139-140).
Both tenancy and corvée had existed since pre-Hispanic times in
the form of Cacique landlords over Tao farmers (Field and Field
1931:416-417). Under this arrangement, commoners were in either
of two land owning classes. The mamamhay tumaranpuh (in Visayan)
could marry without consent, owed one half of his harvest to his
landlord and worked one day out of four on his landlord's land.
The guiguilar ayuey (in Visayan) could only marry with consent,
owed less of his harvest to his overlord, but had to work three
out of four days on his landlord's land (Phelan 1959:20-21).
The double burdens of traditional tenancy and forced labor for
the State away from his family and land were worsened in the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries by the rise of middleman
landlords. The hacienda collected rent in the form of produce.
By having extended loans which were defaulted on or by outright
purchase, an intermediate landlord, usually a Chinese-Filipino
mestizo retail merchant, required a further share of the harvest
(Roth 1982:144-147; Wickberg 1965:28).
Not surprisingly, the land seizures, forced labor, and tenancy
burdens caused a series of revolts by the peasantry between the
1620's and the late 1800's. In fact, Philippine cooperation in
the Spanish-American War and subsequent revolt against American
occupation can be viewed as continued efforts to overcome these
land tenure problems (Deats 1967:33-34). The dates of these
revolts are important guides to likely periods of emigration in
that the same situation will foster either alternative. The
Tagalog revolts in 1746 and 1841 have particular relevance to
Louisiana's Filipino population.
The role of the Chinese in Filipino society has considerable
relevance to the Filipino American experience. Prior to their
expulsion from the Philippines in 1765, they acted as a trading
partner for both the native peasants and the Spanish community.
Their trade consisted of exchanging Chinese imports for village
products which were in turn traded for silver in the Spanish
community (Wickberg 1965:6). This commerce was adopted by
mestizos, the offspring of Chinese men and indigenous women, in
the eighteenth century. Tending to change in the direction of
assimilated indio rather than toward Spanish or unacculturated
indio models, this group was extremely important to the
establishment of Philippine identity (Wickberg 1965:17-18).
The peasants forced into lumbering or shipyard labor were
participating in the Philippines' primary industry. From 1565 to
1815 one to two galleons per year carried Chinese silk and
Malaccan and Indian spice to Acapulco, returning with Mexican
and Peruvian silver and gold (Schurz 1959:15, 193, 27) . The
early ships carried 60 to 100 crewmen; by the mid-eighteenth
century, they carried 150 to 250 crewmen. Of these fewer than a
third were Spanish. The rest were natives, either experienced
mariners or laborers for interior Luzon impressed into service
(Schurz 1959:209-210). Although the pay was relatively good (48
to 60 pecos for natives 100 or more for Spanish in 1697),
scurvy, fever, and dysentery were the norm on the voyage to
Mexico (Schurz 1959:211).
To avoid the similarly rigorous return voyage, escape
impressment, or seek fortune elsewhere, some Filipinos mustered
out or deserted in Acapulco. In 1618, for example, 74 of 75
native seamen left the ship Espiritu Santo, having been hired by
Mexican Indians to teach them how to make wine (Schurz
1959:211). The more likely occurrence would have had the seamen
signing on as porters for th almaceneros7, the Mexico City
merchants, or 1959:384). The same almaceneros who traded at
Acapulco for Chinese goods, traded at Jalapa for Continental
manufactured items and Havana wax (Brading 1971:97, 95).
Although no written evidence of Filipino mariners employed in
the Gulf has been found, the reputation of these sailors and the
availability of ships allows the supposition that Louisiana's
Filipinos came via ship. There was certainly sufficient traffic
to have made the trip possible.
As a French colony, Louisiana was barred from trade by Spanish
authorities. As early as 1703, however, a ship from the colony
was sent to Vera Cruz three times searching for a supply of food
(Surrey 1916:388). The smuggling of gold and silver coin and
dyewood into Louisiana through ships bound from Mexican ports
was a relatively frequent occurrence (Moore 1974:82) . Prior to
Spanish dominion over Louisiana (1768-1803) , the illicit
traffic was from Campeachy, Vera Cruz, and Tampico to Havana via
re)nsicola. This route was far enough north to allow time for a
surreptitious stop at Balise on Louisiana's southern extreme
Practically speaking, the earliest period of easy trade between
New Orleans and Spanish ships was during the 1740s (Surrey
1916:431-442) when France was at war with England over the
Austrian succession. Obviously, emigration would have been easy
after Spain extended free trade to Louisiana as a colony in 1768
In the absence of a specific record, it is a matter of
speculation when the first Filipinos came to Louisiana. The
manila Galleon trade would certainly have brought competent
seamen from the Philippines to the New World. Further, trade in
the Gold of Mexico was active enough to have presented the
opportunity for a settlement in the middle or late eighteenth
century. Following the Louisiana purchase, Filipino immigration
to America was open until Philippine independence in 1935
brought its citizens under the immigration quota system.
With an idea of how the early Louisiana Filipinos may have come
to the state, we next need to know what their society was like.
They would have brought elements of their culture with them.
Their life in Louisiana would be comprised of those behaviors
which made sense in or could be adapted to their new
environment. Again, the recorded evidence is scant, but
sufficient to give a general knowledge of their Malay and
Hispanic cultural heritage.
The earliest Filipinos would have been Malays, probably from
Luzon, the province in which Manila was founded, or Visayan, on
the Northern coast of Mindinao. Socially, these people organized
themselves into barangays, small kinship units of 30 to 100
families (Phelan 1959:15). The Spanish based their local
colonial government on these patriarchal organizations (Phelan
1959:17). As mentioned previously, a class system cross-cut this
socio-political structure. The Cacique class were, perhaps,
former chiefs and landlords. Everyone else was within the Tao
class which was further sub-divided into two stations (Field and
Field 1931:416-417; Phelan 1959:20-21).
The economy was agricultural with rice and fish as staples,
bananas as the predominant fresh food. Variation in the diet was
achieved by pork, chicken, and sweet potatoes (Field and Field
1931:437). The fish were either trapped in corrals or handthrown
nets (Hart 1954:573). Some shrimp and crab were available in
Visayan (Hart 1954:566).
Settlements were dispersed barangays near the rice patties
(Phelan 1959:73). This pattern persisted despite efforts by the
Spanish religious orders to institute village and town
settlements. The transition to villages occurred due to the
fiesta complex, especially the feasts of Holy Week, Corpus
Christi, and the local patron saint. The parish village,
cabecera, and Sunday houses for fiestas, visitas, poblacions,
became barangays and with the introduction of civil government
(Phelan 1959:73, 47-480). The effectiveness of the barangay
kinship structure is evident in the present day Philippine
barrio which remains a similar size and strongly patriarchal
(Field and Field 1931:418).
The houses have remained substantially unchanged for centuries
(Hart 1954:653). They are usually one or two rooms (occasionally
with a third room or open porch) elevated one to five feet off
the ground on wooden posts. The floors are made of nder, split
bamboo laid side by side; the walls are bamboo or pa palm; the
roofs are thatched nipa shingles or grass (Hart 1954:650; Field
and Field 1951:418). Nearly every description mentions rambling
pigs and chickens on the ground beneath the house.
The family was patriarchal, although the women usually manage
the family income. That may be due to their participation in
cottage industries (hat-making, embroidery, and cloth weaving),
frequent ownership of small, local stores, and their role in
tending the fields (Field and Field 1951:421).
The pre-Colonial religious beliefs and practices offered several
elements in common with Hispanic Catholicism, including a
supreme deity, heaven and hell, baptism, ritual cures of
illnesses, and visits to the dieing (Phelan 1959:24, 82).
Pantheism, priestesses, and to a lesser extent ancestor worship
Social observances included dowry, bride price or bride service.
Betrothals, weddings, and funerals were particularly important
occasions with considerable ritual drinking. Alcohol consumption
was noticeably reduced in the seventeenth century as Catholic
ritual replaced indigenous practices (Phelan 1959:23, 134).
Upon the introduction of Hispanic religion, the compadrazgo (god
parents) relationships became important much as they had in
Latin America (Phelan 1959:77). The native were described as
particularly fond of holy water, largely for its curative
properties. The would match the importance of water and bathing
in the pre-Hispanic era (Phelan 1959:75).
Our current ethnographic knowledge is far greater than that of
the nineteenth century when housing and language were nearly the
extent of the awareness of Philippine culture. We have
descriptions of the Louisiana Filipinos mostly because the
architecture of the fishing villages at St. Malo and Manilla
Village struck a romantic cord in the late nineteenth century
imagination. A pair of articles appeared in 1883, carrying the
news of a primitive Philippine-style fishing village in remote
access Louisiana. The shorter, illustrated version by Lafcadio
Hearn appeared in Harper's Weekkly, the Time Magazine of the
late nineteenth century. A fuller version appeared
simultaneously in the New Orleans Times Democrat newspaper.
As one might expect, several characteristics are described which
match Philippine culture. As Maria Espina concludes, the St.
Malo fishing village was basically a barangay except composed
entirely of men (1981:85). The community was led by its eldest
member who acted as arbiter in conflicts (New Orleans Times
Democrat 1883:3; Hearn 1883:198). Contemporary reports give a
population figure of 150 men, although 100 may be a more
realistic figure (New Orleans Times-Democralii 1883:3; Espina
1974:19). Except for a black Portugese speaker, a white
carpenter, and a few Chinese, all of the residents were Filipino
The languages normally spoken were Spanish, Tagalog, and French.
Little of the vocabulary was reported beyond the following
Tagalog (New Orleans Times Democrat1883:3):
Ta Poosna--I am
Pari Tune--come here
Cubila--on the other side
Cubila Cubla--from side to side
Hoolug--to fall down
Marame Namouk--plenty mosquitoes
Hudlo--I have it not
Hanting-hanting--to voodoo or charm
All of the residents were Catholic. Hearn mentions that the
caPenter had baptised some of the men who had no been Christians
upon arrival (1883:198). The inference, here, would be that
these men had emigrated from the southern, Islami Philippine
Islands. Although Catholic in name, the settlments were rarely
visited by priests (Hearn 1883:198). The dead were even
reinterred at the Philippine Union grave site in New Orleans
(St. Malo 1883:3). The men were described as not particularly
religious but superstitious and showing timidity toward omens
(St. Malo 1883:3). Since there was a local burial with a cross
and subsequent disinterment (Hearn 1883:199), one would expect
Malay and Spanish popular religious customs to have existed.
Housing and settlement was strikingly Philippine. St. Malo was
initially built of palmetto and woven cane in either the 1840's
or as early as 1825 (St. Malo 1883:3; Espina 1974:119). By the
l880s1 cypress post and boards had been shipped in. The rooms
and balconies on four foot high posts continued to have pigs and
chickens wandering beneath them. The eaves were immense and,
following Philippine structure, hat-like (Hearn 1883:198). In
the 1880s 13 or 14 huge buildings stood about 100 yeards apart
on a 2 to 3 foot bayou bank. Boats docked at the front of each
structure (St. Malo 1883:3). Most of the houses had 2 or 3 rooms
which were quite stark. Hearn mentions no furniture but Spanish
moss matresses on tiers, a trunk, an ancient clock, modern
firearms, and monte table and chairs (1883:198). The New Orleans
Times Democrat account is quite good:
The houses were all square, with
low roofs running up with a concave curve to the top. They
were all built on piles, some nine feet from the water, and
the openings were remarkably scarce, the first object being to
keep mosquitoes out rather than let fresh air in. A gallery
projects from the front, and over it projects the eaves of the
roof, so that one has to stoop to look out on the landscape. A
few old barrels or damaged ice-box form their cisterns. In the
whole village there are but two panes of glass, and they are
inserted in the roof in lieu of two shingles to give light to
a little attic above. Furniture is entirely unknown, not a
piece being found in any of the houses there. Rough benches
take the wooden bunks, built one above the other, are the
bedsteads (St. Malo 1883:3).
The daily life is sparsely described. The diet featured raw fish
in oil and vinegar, maccaroni with grated parmesan cheese and
daube (served by the carpenter to his unexpected house guests) ,
rice, beans, and meat once a week (St. Malo 1883:3; Hearn
1883:199). If weather prevented fishing, food became scarce
within three days (St. Malo 1883:3). Clothing mentioned included
oil skin pants and so'wester hats, although subsequent
descriptions mention pajama-like cuts and Chinese type straw
hats (St. Malo 1883:3; Kane 1943:90).
Both keno and monte are mentioned as leisure-time activities.
Keno is a gambling game similar to lotto or bingo, played with
counters on a board. Monte is a card game in which players bet
that they will match a known card before the dealer does. At St.
Malo the dealer called the cards in Spanish giving metaphorical
names to the numbers.
4--casa del gato (cat's house)
11--dos piquetes en vivero (two pickets to which a fish car is
22--dos patitos en la laguna (two little ducks in a lagoon)
24--dos y cuatro (two and four)
25--buena noce pasado (Christmas)
33--tres con sa pareja, edad de Cristo (three with its like, the
age of Christ)
90--el mas viejo (the most old, referring to the highest card in
Although the Chinese are said to have introduced shrimp drying
in 1873 (Mysterious 1937:16), St. Malo's economy was based on
fish trade with ice-loaded luggers from New Orleans. The captain
the a fishing vessel owned the seine net. The first catch was
his exclusively. The subsequent casts were shared equally
between him and his four or five crew men. The red fish or
sheephead fish were bunched in threes and sold for 15 cents
each. On a good week crew men could earn $15 to $18. (St. Malo
1883:3). Alligator skins were traded as well (Hearn 1883:199).
Hearn reports that money was sent to the Philippines to aid
friends wishing to emigrate, stating "such emigrants usually
shipped as seamen on board some Spanish vessel bound for
American ports, and desert at the first opportunity" (Hearn
1883:198). This route was quite consistent with an account of
St. Malo's founding in the 1840's. In this case, the impetus was
to avoid taxes and conscription, and the emigrants knew of their
eventual destination (St. Malo 1883:3). This foreknowledge gives
credence to Espina's claim that St. Malo had been in operation
since at least the 1820s (Espina 1974:119).
Because of the romantic cord which a Filipine fishing camp in
remote Louisiana struck, perhaps it is not surprising that the
family lives of these men were not described. Hearn does mention
that the families were visited in New Orleans, Proctorville, and
La Chinche where the men traded as well (Hearn 1883:198).
Despite its temporal precedence, St. Malo has left fewer
(J.mages for the contemporary awareness than Manila Village.
Unfortunately, even less of Manila Village's social structure
has been described. The houses were, again, platform with eaves
and balconies reminiscent of Philippine construction. Hung dried
fish, roaming pigs and chickens beneath the floors, and the
absence of women are again mentioned (Fortier 1914:311). The
camp had 13 or 14 buildings. Its population varied with the
shrimp season, 250 from early August to November and a handful
through the winter (Hansen 1971:570). A New Orleans Filipino
benevolent society continued to offer re-interment of the bones
of those who died and were buried at the village (Fortier
The most trustworthy description of the community appeared in
the WPA guide to Louisiana:
The dozen or so red-roofed,
green-painted buildings that make up the village are built
upon stilts at the edge of the bayou, constituting what is
called "the platform." The sustaining industry is the catching
and sun-drying of shrimp. The freshly caught shrimp are first
boiled in huge rectangular pots, then dumped on open platforms
to dry in the sun...The platforms are built in a series of
slopes with valleys between to drain away the water in rainy
weather. rakes until completely dried; at night and during
rains they are protected by tapaulins. When dried sufficiently
the shrimp are thrown into revolving hoppers which drip
shells, heads, tails, and broken bits onto the floor. This
residue, called "shrimp-bran," is sold as fertilizer and hog
feed. the finished product is packed in barrels averaging 225
pounds in weight and sent to New Orleans for distribution; a
large proportion is exported to China. The population of
Manila Village fluctuates considerably, averaging 250 at the
height of the season--usually between early August and
November--but dropping to a mere handful in winter, when the
shrimpers, becoming trappers, leave for the muskrat trapping
grounds. The town is known throughout the district as Manila
Village, but a sign on the post office bears the name
Cabinash. Most of the inhabitants are Filipinos, but there is
a sprinkling of Mexicans, Spaniards, and Chinese. (Hansen
In contrast to St. Malo, then, Manila Village was a seasonal
shrimping outpost, processing dried shrimp for export to China.
As an industrial camp, the occupations followed innovations
quickly. Rented shrimping boats brought their catch to the ice
boats of their company (Dickson 1934:25). The cast net and seine
for shallow water shrimping were quickly replaced by the
patented ottertrawl in 1915-1918 (Lindner 1936:34). Smaller
shrimp were brought to the village's platform for processing.
Here, the shrimp catch was boiled, complete with heads, in iron
pots until the color changed. They were then wheelbarrows to the
platform for drying (Kane 1943:91). Raked to a uniform depth of
two to three inches and turned every two or three hours, they
were dry after three to four days in the summer and five to ten
in the winter (Mysterious 1937:16). Once dried, the shrimp were
danced. That is, they were shelled by being trod upon by men
whose feet were clad in burlap. A revolving drum eventually
replaced this practice (Kane 1943:92).
Again, the family life of these men was to be found in
Proctorville and New Orleans and received no description. Espina
has given a family history from Manila Village which illustrates
some of the diversity missing from our sources. She mentions
Felipe Madrigal, a New Orleans restaurateur during the civil
war, Baltic Borabod, an overseer at the Wilkinson Plantation at
Myrtle Grove, Hermogenes Ferniz, a boat owner and fleet captain
(18 to 25 men) who worked in sugar refineries in the winter, and
Benito Yabut Martinez, who became a French Quarter tailor
Accounts of Filipino American immigration in the twentieth
century are almost exclusively devoted to the influx of
agricultural laborers to the West Coast in the 1920s and 1930s.
The U. S. Census reported only 161 Filipinos in 1910, at which
time Louisiana had 84 or more than half the U. S. population
(Marino 1933:18). Beginning about 1915, the Hawaiian Sugar
Planter's Association began bringing Filipino laborers to the
islands to work sugar and pineapple crops (Catapusan
In the 1920s 31,000 Filipinos came to California via the Dollar
Steamship and Los Angeles Steamship lines from the Philippines
and Hawaii. The fare for one-way steerage was $87.50 and $45,
respectively. (California 1930:15) The Census enumerated 5,603
Filipinos in 1920 and 45,211 in 1930, with Louisiana's share
being 104 in 1920 and 518 in 1930 (Marino 1933:18). Despite a
six-fold increase in Louisiana's population between 1910 and
1930, the state's share of Filipinos dropped from more than 50%
Immigration quotas were applied from 1934 to the mid-1960s. The
bulk of immigrants during this period were World War II veterans
and their families and the families of resident Filipinos
already in the U. S. (Allen 1977:196). Since the 1970s, most of
the Filipino immigrants have been professionals due to current
immigration requirements that admissions be on an as needed
basis (Allen 1977:198).
Curiously, the familial basis of the community in Louisiana
which was left undescribed in accounts of Filipinos here saved
the most recent immigrants from many of the problems encountered
by the community in California. Sociological studies of the
California laborers mention that the immigrants were nearly all
young males out to make their fortune who spent their leisure
time in Chinese gambling houses and at taxi dance halls (Marino
Manila Village began a decline in the 1930s. By 1965, when
Huricane Betsy destroyed the platform, it had been largely
abandoned (Darbey). While it seems likely that it no longer
served the purpose it had been designed for, its abandonment
illustrates one of several questions about the Filipinos in
Louisiana. As they became increasingly assimilated into the
Louisiana social landscape, the very romantic aura which led to
their initial description dissapated, taking them from public
Allen, J.P. 1977 Recent Immigration from the Philippines and the
Filipino Communities in the United States. Geographical Review
Brading, D.A. 1971 Miners and Merchants in Bourbon Mexico,
1763-1810 . Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
California Department of Industrial Relations 1972 Facts About
Filipino Immigration into California Special Bulletin No. 3.
Reprinted. R. & F. Research Associates, San Fransisco.
Originally published 1930, California Department of Industrial
Relations, San Francisco.
Cable, George W. 1884 The Creoles of Louisiana. Charles
Scribner's Sons, New York.
Catapusan, Benicio T. 1972 The Social Adjustment of Filipinos in
the United States Reprinted. R. & F. Research Associates,
San Francisco. Originally unpublished Ph.D. dissertation,
University of Southern California, Los Angeles.
Daily States Publishing Co. 1898 Louisiana's Manila Men. Daily
States n.v.:June 5, 1898, n.p.
Darby, Joe nd. Filipino Village in Barataria Bay is Not
Dauenhauer, J.B, Jr. 1938 Shrimp: An imporantant Industry of
Jefferson Parish. Jefferson Parish Yearly Review n.v.:107-131.
Deats, Richard C. 1967 Nationalism and Christianity in the
Philippines. Southern Methodist University, Dallas.
Dickson, Harris 1934 The Island of Lost Men. Colliers. n.v.:
December 26, 24-25, 45.
Espina, Marina E. 1974 Filipinos in New Orleans. Proceedings of
the Louisiana Academy of Sciences. 37:117-121.
-----. 1979 Seven Generations of a New Orleans Filipino Family.
Perspectives on Ethnicity in New Orleans . 1:33-36.
-----. 1981 A Brief Sketch of Filipino Voluntary Associations in
South Louisiana. Perspectives on Ethnicity in New Orleans
Field, Frederick V. and Elizabeth Brown Field 1931a Philippine
Inter-Island Migration. Appendix J in Filipino Immigration to
Continental United States and to Hawaii, by Brur Lasker.
University of Chicago, Chicago.
-----. 1931b Social and Economic Backgrounds of Filipino
Emigrants. Apppendix K in Filipino Immigration to Continental
United States and to Hawaii, by Bruno Lasker. University of
Chicago Press, Chicago.
Fortier, Alcee 1914 Louisiana... Century Historical Association,
Hansen, Harry, ed. 1971 Louisiana, a Guide to the State.
Reprint. New York, Hastings House. Originally published 1941,
American Guide Series, Works Progress Administration,
Washington, D. C.
Hart, Donn Vorhis 1954 Barrio Caticuyan: A Visayan Filipino
Community. Ph.D. diss. Syracuse University.
Hearn, Lafcadio 1883 St. Malo, Lacustrine Village in Louisiana.
Harper's Weekly, 37 March 31:197-199. Compiled in
Inventing New Orleans: Writing of Lafcadio Hearn, comp. by S.
Frederick Starr, vis p 83
Jackson, C.T. 1914 The Fountain of Youth. New York Outing
Jefferson Parish Police Jury 1955 The Drying of Shrimp.
Jefferson Parish Yearly Review.
Kane, Harnett T. 1943 The Bayous of Louisiana. Bonanza Books,
-----. 1944 Deep Delta Country. Duell, Sloan and Pearce, New
Lasker, Bruno 1931 Filipino Immigraption to Continental United
States and to Hawaii. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.
Lindner, Milton 1936 Shrimp. Jefferson Parish Yearbook, 31-39.
Louisiana Department of Conservation 1937 Mysterious but
Productive Shrimp. Louisiana Conservation Review n.v.: Autumn
Marino, Honorante 1972 The Filipino Immigrants in the United
States Reprinted. R. & H. Research Associates, San
Francisco. Originally unpublished M.A. thesis, University of
Moore, John Preson 1974 Anglo-Spanish Rivalry on the Louisiana
Frontier, 1763-68. In The Spanish in the Mississippi Valley,
1762-1804, edited by John Francis McDermott, pp. 72-86.
University of Chicago Press, Chicago.
New Orleans Times-Democrat 1883 St. Malo Times-Democrat. March
Phelan, John Leddy 1959 The Hispanization of the Philippines,
Spanish Aims and Filipino Responses, 1565-1700. University of
Wisconsin Press, Madison.
Roth, Dennis M. 1982 Church Lands in the Agrarian History of the
Tagalog Region. In Philippine Social History, Asian Studies
Association of Australia, Southeast Asia Publications Series,
No. 7, edited by Alfred W. McCoy and Ed. C. de Jesus, pp.
131-154. University Press of Hawaii, Honolulu.
Saxon, Lyle 1940 Their Faces Tell the Story. Jefferson Parish
Yearly Review. n.v.:32-56.
Schoonovewr, Frank H. 1911 In the Haunts of Jean Lafitte.
Harper's Monthly 124:80-91.
Schurz, William Lytle 1939 The Manila Galleon . E. P. Dutton and
Co., New York.
Surrey, Nancy Maria Miller 1916 The Commerce of Louisiana during
the French Regime, 1699-1763. Columbia University Press, New
York. United States. Department of Commerce 1930 Census of
Population. Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C.
-----. 1973 Census of Population, Subject Reports, Japanese,
Chinese, and Filipinos in the United States. Government Printing
Office, Washington, D.C.
Wickberg, Edgar 1965 The Chinese in Philippine Life, 1850-1898.
Yale University Press, New Haven.
Illustration from WikiCommons, Hearn, Lafcadio 1883 St.
, Lacustrine Village in Louisiana. Harper's Weekly, 37